Terror group Al-Shabaab is a constant and present danger to the socio economic livelihood of Kenyans due to its frequent attacks in remote areas near Somalia.
While it appears al Shabaab’s main targets in the borderland regions are security agencies and non-local Kenyans, such as teachers, nurses and mechanics, Kenyan Somalis also suffer as targets of recruitment, who are used as guides and foot soldiers. The attacks on security agencies and non-local Kenyans is double-pronged.
First, Al-Shabaab target the security agencies due to their frontline duties of safeguarding Kenya’s territorial integrity as well as protecting the lives of its citizens. The duty of securing Kenya’s borders interferes with Al-Shabaab’s free movement, strategies and other agendas.
The attacks on non-local Kenyans drives a wedge and creates enmity between Kenyans of Somali origin against other Kenyans.
The second reason is because the clan system in the Somali community protects ethnic Somalis from one another.
The non-locals are vulnerable to Al-Shabaab attacks due to the absence of clan-like local mechanisms in protecting them. Where ethnic Somalis are attacked, the clan is bound to seek retribution, either in form of blood-paying sacrifice (diya) or retaliatory measures.
Despite these incessant attacks, Kenya has to a large extent been successful in thwarting and reducing continuous Al-Shabaab attacks in its urban cities and towns, but the same cannot be said of the rural and borderland areas.
In the borderlands, Al-Shabaab has become resilient and adept at changing tactics. Furthermore, it has taken advantage of the globally driven narrative and agenda to embed itself in the local socioeconomic and political issues to create continuous havoc and bloodletting in Kenya.
It attracts and takes advantage of the disillusioned youth from the border communities, as well as from other major communities in Kenya.
In the border communities, many interlinked factors fuel and give impetus to the scourge of al Shabaab in both Kenya and Somalia. Prior to the 2010 constitution of Kenya, North Eastern Kenya carried the perception of marginalisation by past administrations.
Since the 2010 constitution, the government of Kenya allocates substantial resources to the region, which has opened huge potential for development.
The border communities got a chance to influence their growth agenda. However, devolution brought unparalleled and stiff political competition, which has led to conflicts that appear to be fuelled and funded by local political and business beneficiaries.
Additionally, the resource allocations and employment opportunities in the borderland counties are determined by the governor, the political allies and elders, which attracts the wrath and ire of those excluded from the devolution opportunities and promises.
The repute and integrity of county governments is tainted where injustices are perceived or real. The disillusioned locals resonate with the idea of victimhood of the long-practised clan rivalries, with al Shabaab becoming the boogiemen. They become easy targets of al Shabaab for attacks on non-local Kenyans and security agencies.
Unemployed and lowly educated youth from these counties either become victim of forcible recruitment or are wooed by the boogieman, al Shabaab.
The youth either form the brigandage or guides in the attacks because of their knowledge of the local terrain, routes and water points.
Local clan rivalries for political seats, especially for the gubernatorial and National Assembly seats, mutate into serious clan warfare, where some outsource their fight to al Shabaab to annihilate the other.
Source: The Star